Common Sense
By Thomas Paine
Published January 1776
INTRODUCTION
Perhaps the sentiments contained in
the following pages, are not YET sufficiently fashionable to procure them
general favour; a long habit of not thinking a thing WRONG, gives it a
superficial appearance of being RIGHT, and raises at first a formidable outcry
in defense of custom. But the tumult soon subsides. Time makes more converts
than reason.
As a long and violent abuse of
power, is generally the Means of calling the right of it in question (and in
Matters too which might never have been thought of, had not the Sufferers been
aggravated into the inquiry) and as the King of England hath undertaken in his
OWN RIGHT, to support the Parliament in what he calls THEIRS, and as the good
people of this country are grievously oppressed by the combination, they have
an undoubted privilege to inquire into the pretensions of both, and equally to
reject the usurpation of either.
In the following sheets, the author
hath studiously avoided every thing which is personal among ourselves.
Compliments as well as censure to individuals make no part thereof. The wise,
and the worthy, need not the triumph of a pamphlet; and those whose sentiments
are injudicious, or unfriendly, will cease of themselves unless too much pains
are bestowed upon their conversion.
The cause of America is in a great
measure the cause of all mankind. Many circumstances hath, and will arise,
which are not local, but universal, and through which the principles of all
Lovers of Mankind are affected, and in the Event of which, their Affections are
interested. The laying a Country desolate with Fire and Sword, declaring War
against the natural rights of all Mankind, and extirpating the Defenders
thereof from the Face of the Earth, is the Concern of every Man to whom Nature
hath given the Power of feeling; of which Class, regardless of Party Censure,
is the AUTHOR.
P.S. The Publication of this new
Edition hath been delayed, with a View of taking notice (had it been necessary)
of any Attempt to refute the Doctrine of Independance: As no Answer hath yet
appeared, it is now presumed that none will, the Time needful for getting such
a Performance ready for the Public being considerably past.
Who the Author of this Production
is, is wholly unnecessary to the Public, as the Object for Attention is the
DOCTRINE ITSELF, not the MAN. Yet it may not be unnecessary to say, That he is
unconnected with any Party, and under no sort of Influence public or private,
but the influence of reason and principle.
Philadelphia, February 14, 1776
OF THE ORIGIN AND DESIGN OF GOVERNMENT IN GENERAL,
WITH CONCISE REMARKS ON THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION
Some writers have so confounded
society with government, as to leave little or no distinction between them;
whereas they are not only different, but have different origins. Society is
produced by our wants, and government by our wickedness; the former promotes
our happiness POSITIVELY by uniting our affections, the latter NEGATIVELY by
restraining our vices. The one encourages intercourse, the other creates
distinctions. The first a patron, the last a punisher.
Society in every state is a
blessing, but government even in its best state is but a necessary evil; in its
worst state an intolerable one; for when we suffer, or are exposed to the same
miseries BY A GOVERNMENT, which we might expect in a country WITHOUT
GOVERNMENT, our calamity is heightened by reflecting that we furnish the means
by which we suffer. Government, like dress, is the badge of lost innocence; the
palaces of kings are built on the ruins of the bowers of paradise. For were the
impulses of conscience clear, uniform, and irresistibly obeyed, man would need
no other lawgiver; but that not being the case, he finds it necessary to
surrender up a part of his property to furnish means for the protection of the
rest; and this he is induced to do by the same prudence which in every other
case advises him out of two evils to choose the least. WHEREFORE, security
being the true design and end of government, it unanswerably follows, that
whatever FORM thereof appears most likely to ensure it to us, with the least
expense and greatest benefit, is preferable to all others.
In order to gain a clear and just
idea of the design and end of government, let us suppose a small number of
persons settled in some sequestered part of the earth, unconnected with the
rest, they will then represent the first peopling of any country, or of the
world. In this state of natural liberty, society will be their first thought. A
thousand motives will excite them thereto, the strength of one man is so
unequal to his wants, and his mind so unfitted for perpetual solitude, that he
is soon obliged to seek assistance and relief of another, who in his turn
requires the same. Four or five united would be able to raise a tolerable
dwelling in the midst of a wilderness, but one man might labour out of the
common period of life without accomplishing any thing; when he had felled his
timber he could not remove it, nor erect it after it was removed; hunger in the
mean time would urge him from his work, and every different want call him a
different way. Disease, nay even misfortune would be death, for though neither
might be mortal, yet either would disable him from living, and reduce him to a
state in which he might rather be said to perish than to die.
Thus necessity, like a gravitating
power, would soon form our newly arrived emigrants into society, the reciprocal
blessings of which, would supersede, and render the obligations of law and
government unnecessary while they remained perfectly just to each other; but as
nothing but heaven is impregnable to vice, it will unavoidably happen, that in
proportion as they surmount the first difficulties of emigration, which bound
them together in a common cause, they will begin to relax in their duty and
attachment to each other; and this remissness will point out the necessity of
establishing some form of government to supply the defect of moral virtue.
Some convenient tree will afford
them a State-House, under the branches of which, the whole colony may assemble
to deliberate on public matters. It is more than probable that their first laws
will have the title only of REGULATIONS, and be enforced by no other penalty
than public disesteem. In this first parliament every man, by natural right,
will have a seat.
But as the colony increases, the
public concerns will increase likewise, and the distance at which the members
may be separated, will render it too inconvenient for all of them to meet on
every occasion as at first, when their number was small, their habitations
near, and the public concerns few and trifling. This will point out the
convenience of their consenting to leave the legislative part to be managed by
a select number chosen from the whole body, who are supposed to have the same
concerns at stake which those who appointed them, and who will act in the same
manner as the whole body would act, were they present. If the colony continues
increasing, it will become necessary to augment the number of the
representatives, and that the interest of every part of the colony may be
attended to, it will be found best to divide the whole into convenient parts,
each part sending its proper number; and that the ELECTED might never form to
themselves an interest separate from the ELECTORS, prudence will point out the
propriety of having elections often; because as the ELECTED might by that means
return and mix again with the general body of the ELECTORS in a few months,
their fidelity to the public will be secured by the prudent reflection of not
making a rod for themselves. And as this frequent interchange will establish a
common interest with every part of the community, they will mutually and
naturally support each other, and on this (not on the unmeaning name of king)
depends the STRENGTH OF GOVERNMENT, AND THE HAPPINESS OF THE GOVERNED.
Here then is the origin and rise of
government; namely, a mode rendered necessary by the inability of moral virtue
to govern the world; here too is the design and end of government, viz. freedom
and security. And however our eyes may be dazzled with show, or our ears
deceived by sound; however prejudice may warp our wills, or interest darken our
understanding, the simple voice of nature and of reason will say, it is right.
I draw my idea of the form of
government from a principle in nature, which no art can overturn, viz. that the
more simple any thing is, the less liable it is to be disordered; and the
easier repaired when disordered; and with this maxim in view, I offer a few
remarks on the so much boasted constitution of England. That it was noble for
the dark and slavish times in which it was erected, is granted. When the world
was overrun with tyranny the least remove therefrom was a glorious rescue. But
that it is imperfect, subject to convulsions, and incapable of producing what
it seems to promise, is easily demonstrated.
Absolute governments (tho' the
disgrace of human nature) have this advantage with them, that they are simple;
if the people suffer, they know the head from which their suffering springs,
know likewise the remedy, and are not bewildered by a variety of causes and
cures. But the constitution of England is so exceedingly complex, that the
nation may suffer for years together without being able to discover in which
part the fault lies; some will say in one and some in another, and every
political physician will advise a different medicine.
I know it is difficult to get over
local or long standing prejudices, yet if we will suffer ourselves to examine
the component parts of the English constitution, we shall find them to be the
base remains of two ancient tyrannies, compounded with some new republican
materials.
FIRST - The remains of monarchial
tyranny in the person of the king.
SECONDLY - The remains of
aristocratical tyranny in the persons of the peers.
THIRDLY - The new republican
materials in the persons of the commons,on whose virtue depends the freedom of
England.
The two first, by being hereditary,
are independent of the people; wherefore in a CONSTITUTIONAL SENSE they
contribute nothing towards the freedom of the state.
To say that the constitution of
England is a UNION of three powers reciprocally CHECKING each other, is
farcical, either the words have no meaning, or they are flat contradictions.
…HOW CAME THE KING BY A POWER WHICH
THE PEOPLE ARE AFRAID TO TRUST, AND ALWAYS OBLIGED TO CHECK? Such a power could
not be the gift of a wise people, neither can any power, WHICH NEEDS CHECKING,
be from God; yet the provision, which the constitution makes, supposes such a
power to exist.
… though we have been wise enough to
shut and lock a door against absolute monarchy, we at the same time have been
foolish enough to put the crown in possession of the key.
The prejudice of Englishmen in
favour of their own government by king, lords, and commons, arises as much or
more from national pride than reason….
THOUGHTS
ON THE PRESENT STATE OF AMERICAN AFFAIRS
In the following pages I offer
nothing more than simple facts, plain arguments, and common sense…
Volumes have been written on the
subject of the struggle between England and America. Men of all ranks have
embarked in the controversy, from different motives, and with various designs;
but all have been ineffectual, and the period of debate is closed. Arms, as the
last resource, decide this contest; the appeal was the choice of the king, and
the continent hath accepted the challenge.
It hath been reported of the late
Mr. Pelham (who tho' an able minister was not without his faults) that on his
being attacked in the house of commons, on the score, that his measures were
only of a temporary kind, replied "THEY WILL LAST MY TIME." Should a
thought so fatal and unmanly possess the colonies in the present contest, the
name of ancestors will be remembered by future generations with detestation.
The sun never shined on a cause of
greater worth. 'Tis not the affair of a city, a county, a province, or a
kingdom, but of a continent—of at least one eighth part of the habitable globe.
'Tis not the concern of a day, a year, or an age; posterity are virtually
involved in the contest, and will be more or less affected, even to the end of
time, by the proceedings now. Now is the seed-time of continental union, faith
and honour. The least fracture now will be like a name engraved with the point
of a pin on the tender rind of a young oak; the wound will enlarge with the
tree, and posterity read it in full grown characters.
By referring the matter from
argument to arms, a new aera for politics is struck; a new method of thinking
hath arisen. All plans, proposals, &c. prior to the nineteenth of April, i.
e. to the commencement of hostilities, are like the almanacs of the last year;
which, though proper then are superseded and useless now. Whatever was advanced
by the advocates on either side of the question then, terminated in one and the
same point. viz. a union with Great-Britain: the only difference between the
parties was the method of effecting it; the one proposing force, the other
friendship; but it hath so far happened that the first hath failed, and the
second hath withdrawn her influence.
As much hath been said of the
advantages of reconciliation which, like an agreeable dream, hath passed away
and left us as we were, it is but right, that we should examine the contrary
side of the argument, and inquire into some of the many material injuries which
these colonies sustain, and always will sustain, by being connected with, and dependent
on Great Britain: To examine that connection and dependence, on the principles
of nature and common sense, to see what we have to trust to, if separated, and
what we are to expect, if dependant.
I have heard it asserted by some,
that as America hath flourished under her former connection with Great Britain
that the same connection is necessary towards her future happiness, and will
always have the same effect. Nothing can be more fallacious than this kind of
argument. We may as well assert that because a child has thrived upon milk that
it is never to have meat, or that the first twenty years of our lives is to
become a precedent for the next twenty. But even this is admitting more than is
true, for I answer roundly, that America would have flourished as much, and
probably much more, had no European power had any thing to do with her. The
commerce, by which she hath enriched herself, are the necessaries of life, and
will always have a market while eating is the custom of Europe.
But she has protected us, say some.
That she has engrossed us is true, and defended the continent at our expense as
well as her own is admitted, and she would have defended Turkey from the same
motive, viz. the sake of trade and dominion.
Alas, we have been long led away by ancient
prejudices, and…boasted the protection of Great Britain, without considering,
that her motive was INTEREST not ATTACHMENT; that she did not protect us from
OUR ENEMIES on OUR ACCOUNT, but from HER ENEMIES on HER OWN ACCOUNT, from those
who had no quarrel with us on any OTHER ACCOUNT, and who will always be our
enemies on the SAME ACCOUNT.
It has lately been asserted in
parliament, that the colonies have no relation to each other but through the
parent country, i. e. that Pennsylvania and the Jerseys, and so on for the
rest, are sister colonies by the way of England; this is certainly a very
round-about way of proving relationship, but it is the nearest and only true
way of proving enemyship, if I may so call it. France and Spain never were, nor
perhaps ever will be our enemies as AMERICANS, but as our being the subjects of
GREAT BRITAIN.
But Britain is the parent country,
say some. Then the more shame upon her conduct. Even brutes do not devour their
young, nor savages make war upon their families; wherefore the assertion, if
true, turns to her reproach; but it happens not to be true, or only partly so
and the phrase PARENT or MOTHER COUNTRY hath been jesuitically adopted by the
king and his parasites, with a low papistical design of gaining an unfair bias
on the credulous weakness of our minds. Europe, and not England, is the parent
country of America. This new world hath been the asylum for the persecuted
lovers of civil and religious liberty from EVERY PART of Europe. Hither have
they fled, not from the tender embraces of the mother, but from the cruelty of
the monster; and it is so far true of England, that the same tyranny which
drove the first emigrants from home, pursues their descendants still.
…Besides what have we to do with
setting the world at defiance? Our plan is commerce, and that, well attended
to, will secure us the peace and friendship of all Europe; because, it is the
interest of all Europe to have America a FREE PORT. Her trade will always be a
protection, and her barrenness of gold and silver secure her from invaders.
I challenge the warmest advocate for
reconciliation, to shew, a single advantage that this continent can reap, by
being connected with Great Britain. I repeat the challenge, not a single
advantage is derived. Our corn will fetch its price in any market in Europe,
and our imported goods must be paid for, buy them where we will.
But the injuries and disadvantages
we sustain by that connection, are without number; and our duty to mankind at
large, as well as to ourselves, instruct us to renounce the alliance: Because,
any submission to, or dependence on Great Britain, tends directly to involve
this continent in European wars and quarrels; and sets us at variance with
nations, who would otherwise seek our friendship, and against whom, we have
neither anger nor complaint. As Europe is our market for trade, we ought to
form no partial connection with any part of it. It is the true interest of
America to steer clear of European contentions, which she never can do, while
by her dependence on Britain, she is made the make-weight in the scale of
British politics.
Europe is too thickly planted with
kingdoms to be long at peace, and whenever a war breaks out between England and
any foreign power, the trade of America goes to ruin, BECAUSE OF HER CONNECTION
WITH ENGLAND…The blood of the slain, the weeping voice of nature cries, 'TIS
TIME TO PART. Even the distance at which the Almighty hath placed England and
America, is a strong and natural proof, that the authority of the one, over the
other, was never the design of Heaven. The time likewise at which the continent
was discovered, adds weight to the argument, and the manner in which it was
peopled increases the force of it. The reformation was preceded by the
discovery of America, as if the Almighty graciously meant to open a sanctuary
to the Persecuted in future years, when home should afford neither friendship
nor safety.
…It is the good fortune of many to
live distant from the scene of sorrow; the evil is not sufficient brought to
their doors to make THEM feel the precariousness with which all American
property is possessed. But let our imaginations transport us for a few moments
to Boston, that seat of wretchedness will teach us wisdom, and instruct us for
ever to renounce a power in whom we can have no trust. The inhabitants of that
unfortunate city, who but a few months ago were in ease and affluence, have
now, no other alternative than to stay and starve, or turn and beg. Endangered
by the fire of their friends if they continue within the city, and plundered by
the soldiery if they leave it. In their present condition they are prisoners
without the hope of redemption, and in a general attack for their relief, they
would be exposed to the fury of both armies.
Men of passive tempers look somewhat
lightly over the offenses of Britain, and, still hoping for the best, are apt
to call out, "COME, COME, WE SHALL BE FRIENDS AGAIN, FOR ALL THIS."
But examine the passions and feelings of mankind, Bring the doctrine of
reconciliation to the touchstone of nature, and then tell me, whether you can
hereafter love, honor, and faithfully serve the power that hath carried fire
and sword into your land? If you cannot do all these, then are you only
deceiving yourselves, and by your delay bringing ruin upon posterity. Your
future connection with Britain, whom you can neither love nor honor will be
forced and unnatural, and being formed only on the plan of present convenience,
will in a little time fall into a relapse more wretched than the first. But if
you say, you can still pass the violations over, then I ask, Hath your house
been burnt? Hath your property been destroyed before your face! Are your wife
and children destitute of a bed to lie on, or bread to live on? Have you lost a
parent or a child by their hands, and yourself the ruined and wretched
survivor! If you have not, then are you not a judge of those who have. But if
you have, and still can shake hands with the murderers, then are you unworthy
of the name of husband, father, friend, or lover, and whatever may be your rank
or title in life, you have the heart of a coward, and the spirit of a
sycophant.
... Reconciliation is NOW a
fallacious dream. Nature hath deserted the connection, and Art cannot supply
her place. For, as Milton wisely expresses, "never can true reconcilement
grow, where wounds of deadly hate have pierced so deep."
…To say, they will never attempt it
again is idle and visionary, we thought so at the repeal of the stamp-act, yet
a year or two undeceived us; as well may we suppose that nations, which have
been once defeated, will never renew the quarrel.
As to government matters, it is not
in the power of Britain to do this continent justice: The business of it will
soon be too weighty, and intricate, to be managed with any tolerable degree of
convenience, by a power so distant from us, and so very ignorant of us; for if
they cannot conquer us, they cannot govern us. To be always running three or
four thousand miles with a tale or a petition, waiting four or five months for
an answer, which when obtained requires five or six more to explain it in, will
in a few years be looked upon as folly and childishness—There was a time when
it was proper, and there is a proper time for it to cease.
Small islands not capable of
protecting themselves, are the proper objects for kingdoms to take under their
care; but there is something very absurd, in supposing a continent to be
perpetually governed by an island. In no instance hath nature made the
satellite larger than its primary planet, and as England and America, with
respect to each other, reverses the common order of nature, it is evident they
belong to different systems; England to Europe, America to itself.
…Dearly, dearly, do we pay for the
repeal of the acts, if that is all we fight for; for in a just estimation, it
is as great a folly to pay a Bunker-hill price for law, as for land…No man was
a warmer wisher for reconciliation than myself, before the fatal nineteenth of
April 1775, but the moment the event of that day was made known, I rejected the
hardened, sullen tempered Pharaoh of England for ever; and disdain the wretch,
that with the pretended title of FATHER OF HIS PEOPLE can unfeelingly hear of
their slaughter, and composedly sleep with their blood upon his soul.
…But the most powerful of all
arguments, is, that nothing but independence, i.e. a continental form of
government, can keep the peace of the continent and preserve it inviolate from
civil wars. I dread the event of a reconciliation with Britain now, as it is
more than probable, that it will be followed by a revolt somewhere or other,
the consequences of which may be far more fatal than all the malice of Britain.
…If there is any true cause of fear
respecting independence, it is because no plan is yet laid down. Men do not see
their way out— Wherefore, as an opening into that business, I offer the following
hints; at the same time modestly affirming, that I have no other opinion of
them myself, than that they may be the means of giving rise to something
better. Could the straggling thoughts of individuals be collected, they would
frequently form materials for wise and able men to improve into useful matter….
…where, says some, is the King of
America? I'll tell you. Friend, he reigns above, and doth not make havoc of
mankind like the Royal Brute of Britain….let a day be solemnly set apart for
proclaiming the charter; let it be brought forth placed on the divine law, the
word of God; let a crown be placed thereon, by which the world may know, that
so far as we approve of monarchy, that in America THE LAW IS KING.
Ye that tell us of harmony and
reconciliation, can ye restore to us the time that is past? Can ye give to
prostitution its former innocence? Neither can ye reconcile Britain and
America. The last cord now is broken, the people of England are presenting
addresses against us. There are injuries which nature cannot forgive; she would
cease to be nature if she did. As well can the lover forgive the ravisher of
his mistress, as the continent forgive the murders of Britain. The Almighty
hath implanted in us these unextinguishable feelings for good and wise
purposes. They are the guardians of his image in our hearts. They distinguish
us from the herd of common animals. The social compact would dissolve, and
justice be extirpated the earth, or have only a casual existence were we
callous to the touches of affection. The robber, and the murderer, would often
escape unpunished, did not the injuries which our tempers sustain, provoke us
into justice.
O ye that love mankind! Ye that dare
oppose, not only the tyranny, but the tyrant, stand forth! Every spot of the
old world is overrun with oppression. Freedom hath been hunted round the globe.
Asia, and Africa, have long expelled her—Europe regards her like a stranger,
and England hath given her warning to depart. O! receive the fugitive, and
prepare in time an asylum for mankind.
